A provision in next year’s defense bill has created an unusual coalition of progressive Democrats and conservatives. They warn it would entrench the United States in extensive military integration with Israel for years. Known as the “United States-Israel Defense Technology Cooperation Initiative,” this measure is Section 224 of the fiscal year 2027 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA). It mandates the secretary of defense to appoint an “executive agent” to coordinate efforts between the United States and Israel. This includes defense technology research, development, testing, evaluation, integration, and industrial cooperation.
The initiative advocates for joint ventures, licensing agreements, co-production manufacturing partnerships with Israeli industry, joint training exercises, and information-sharing systems. The cooperative areas include counter-drone systems, missile defense, artificial intelligence, autonomous systems, cyber and electronic warfare, biotechnology, and defense industrial production.
Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders recently urged supporters to “defeat Section 224.” Former Georgia Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene cautioned that “once sec 224 passes, it will be next to impossible to be undone.” Proponents contend it formalizes existing U.S.-Israel collaborations, while critics argue it would tightly bind both countries’ defense industries with minimal oversight.
How It Reached the House Floor
The debate occurs as Congress examines the broader $1.15 trillion defense bill. During the House Armed Services Committee’s June 4 markup, California Representative Ro Khanna, a Democrat, proposed an amendment to remove Section 224. The amendment failed by voice vote, advancing the bill to the full House. Only Khanna and California Representative Sara Jacobs, both Democrats, supported it.
The provision’s roots lie in the U.S.-Israel FUTURES Act, sponsored by Texas Representative Ronny Jackson, North Carolina Representative Don Davis, North Carolina Senator Ted Budd, and New York Senator Kirsten Gillibrand. The original bill stalled, leading to the reappearance of many measures in the NDAA.
The timing drew more attention. Recently, the Pentagon’s Defense Intelligence Agency raised its counterintelligence threat assessment of Israel to its highest level, citing escalating concerns about Israeli espionage. These reports appeared days before the vote.
Israel seeks a new cooperation framework as the Obama-era memorandum of understanding nears its 2028 end. The current agreement delivers approximately $3.8 billion annually, over a decade totaling $38 billion. Former Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett recently commented on Israel’s stance amidst conflict with Iran, describing the situation as “a moment of truth” and emphasizing Israel’s capacity to “act with strength and effectiveness.”
What Progressives Say
Sanders criticizes the provision as a concession to a foreign government against voter opposition. “Netanyahu is lobbying for Section 224 in the national defense bill, a provision quietly expanding U.S.-Israel military cooperation with nearly no oversight,” he wrote. “The American public does not wish for more U.S. military aid to Israel.” Khanna, during the markup, argued the measure rewards Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as lawmakers question the relationship, saying, “The American public is tired of Netanyahu’s arrogance and insolence dictating America’s actions.”
Jacobs argues the U.S. is heading in the wrong direction. “If any other nation were credibly accused of repeatedly violating U.S. and international law,” she stated, “we would not be moving to deepen and permanently expand military ties with them.”
Military experts describe the provision as unprecedented. Retired Air Force Lieutenant Colonel William Astore told The Intercept he could not recall another instance where Congress formalized national security technology integration with a foreign country, identifying artificial intelligence and autonomous systems as areas of concern.
What Conservatives Say
Greene portrays the measure as undermining American sovereignty, reflecting the self-reliance language Israel’s leaders often use. “If Israel is sovereign,” she wrote, “it doesn’t need to merge with America’s military in section 224 of the NDAA, nor requires American tax dollars for its wars.” She added that the provision gives Israel “full control.”
In another post, Greene connected Section 224 to espionage concerns. “The Pentagon heightened the threat of Israeli spying on the U.S. and AIPAC openly praises Republicans for section 224 in the NDAA, merging our military with Israel’s.” Kentucky Representative Thomas Massie, a Republican defeated in his primary after pro-Israel funding aided his opponent, vowed to propose a floor amendment to eliminate the section, expressing that “we are a sovereign country.”
What Section 224 Requires
The provision directs the secretary of defense to appoint an executive agent responsible for coordinating U.S.-Israel defense technology efforts across areas including, but not limited to, counter-drone systems, anti-tunneling, missile and air defense, artificial intelligence, autonomous systems, directed energy, cyber defense, biotechnology, and network integration.
Key Requirements:
- The Pentagon must update the public periodically on a Defense Department website
- The agent will identify Israeli-origin technologies for U.S. military integration and establish frameworks for joint ventures, licensing agreements, and co-production partnerships with Israeli industries
- The Pentagon must work with the State Department, Commerce Department, and other federal agencies to ensure legal compliance
- Within 180 days of enactment, the Pentagon must brief Congress on implementation and provide annual reports to Congress through 2030
- All reports must be unclassified, though a classified annex is allowed
What Supporters Say
Supporters refute claims that the provision merges the militaries. Alabama Representative Mike Rogers, a Republican who introduced the bill alongside Washington Representative Adam Smith, a Democrat, stated Section 224 “merely adds transparency and improves efficiency by appointing a single official to oversee existing initiatives,” noting it surrenders no control over U.S. operations, personnel, or equipment.
The measure’s proponents dispute allegations that Netanyahu influenced the legislation. At the markup, Jackson denied receiving any communication from the Israeli prime minister and deemed the suggestion “complete misinformation.” Davis echoed this denial. Khanna’s claims trace back to a letter Netanyahu sent to Marlin Stutzman, an Indiana Republican not on the committee, endorsing an unrelated resolution to phase out U.S. military aid to Israel.
AIPAC asserts that the provision “advances America strategically by bolstering our partnership with Israel” in areas crucial to modern warfare. The organization insists Section 224 neither creates new programs nor authorizes additional funding.
What Comes Next
The NDAA must still pass the full House, be reconciled with the Senate version, and receive presidential approval to become law. Massie has pledged to raise the issue again on the floor.

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