Donald Trump received my vote three times. I thought his coalition could reshape American politics for generations. Watching him appoint Bill Pulte, a housing official with no intelligence background, to lead the nation’s spy agencies raises harder questions. What remains of Trump’s legacy if he risks dismantling it?
Trump was elected not just to win, but on the promise of a durable, working-class, multiracial coalition that could reshape the Republican Party. This ambition had potential. Trump was the first Republican figure since Ronald Reagan with the stature to redefine the party, not only to win elections. Reagan’s movement outlasted him by a generation. The potential is apparent. What Trump chooses to do is crucial.
The present challenge is not with the base; the administration has turned inward, engaging in fights that excite loyal supporters but offer little of lasting value. Actions like renaming the Kennedy Center, imposing a transgender service ban, and engaging in tariff disputes panders to unwavering supporters but does little for others among the 77 million who re-elected Trump. Governing by applause results in spending capital on symbols, leading to a second term with uncertainties.
Many of these conflicts result in losses. A federal judge ruled that only Congress could rename the Kennedy Center, stripping Trump’s name. An appeals court blocked the military’s transgender ban, calling the policy “arbitrary and based upon animus.” Legal liabilities turned victories into headlines about defeats. Ashes do not build enduring legacies.
Self-inflicted damage adds complexity. Voter ID and citizenship proof are popular, but Trump used the SAVE Act as a loyalty test he knew the Senate would reject. With no appetite to end the filibuster, the bill was symbolic, hastening John Cornyn’s political career end. Cornyn’s alleged disloyalty was not supporting the bill fast enough. This reflects Trump prioritizing personal interests over the party’s needs. He endorsed Ken Paxton, a controversial attorney general nominee. Now, a Texas Senate seat is a race Democrats hope to win.
There is a strategic issue ignored by Trump’s inner circle. Trump needs votes for his agenda and nominations. Senators he has chastised—such as Cornyn and Cassidy—are the votes Trump needs now. Disgruntled senators with no commitments owe little to the White House. Absent loyalty creates leverage, which Trump had squandered.
Pulte’s appointment signals a concern. Known for running a private equity firm and a nonprofit in Detroit, qualifying him for housing roles, his recent focus on mortgage records to target the president’s opponents says nothing about his abilities to oversee the intelligence community. His appointment was ideological, rather than skill-based.
Movements reliant on one leader do not outlast their figurehead. The Tea Party failed partly due to lacking a cohesive leader. MAGA has Trump as a central figure; without him, it lacks direction. Pat Buchanan led the previous “America First” movement, which faded after his exit. A movement with no successor is mere personality-driven.
Reagan’s enduring legacy was built on optimism and a capable party ready to govern without him. His unwritten rule—to not attack fellow Republicans—contrasts sharply with Trump’s rhetoric fostering conflict and demands for loyalty. This method works for winning but its potential as a lasting legacy remains uncertain.
Trump still holds a rare political achievement—a coalition he built. The question is not his ability to win, but whether he governs to create a lasting legacy. For those of us who believed in 2016, the worst outcome would be not a defeat, but a legacy marked by disputes, lost legal battles, and vanishing allies. Protecting a legacy involves naming a successor, but so far, Trump has only pointed to himself.

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